CHINA AND LATIN AMERICA BEYOND TRADE: HISTORY, COOPERATION AND INTEGRATION
Reyna Varinia Aguelar Pinto
This text attempts to expose the history, scope, development and challenges of the relationship of the Latin American countries with the Republic of China. Since today they represent the great dream of transformation of the world order, they are characterized by being two actors who have fought and continue to try to resist the order imposed by the great Western powers.
Both China and Latin America have been affected by the international politics of Europe and the United States, due to colonization and economic interference in these regions, so we will do a brief review of the history since the arrival of the first Chinese ships to the territory of the American continent, we will tell the story of Chinese workers, who came to Latin America to carry out large projects.
We will analyze the relations between Latin America and China, which, driven by China’s economic growth, made several countries its strategic partners in trade, investment and cooperation.
As a complement, we will see the commercial exchanges between China and Latin America, which have been growing in recent years, but this did not affect all countries in the same way. Finally, we will see the new challenges that Latin American countries and China face and must face.
Key Words: Zhao Tingyang, Tianxia, trade, cooperation, CELAC
Mevcut çalışma, Latin Amerika ülkelerinin Çin Cumhuriyeti ile ilişkilerinin tarihini, kapsamını, gelişimini ve zorluklarını açığa çıkarmayı hedeflemektedir. Günümüzde Çin ve Latin Amerika arasındaki uluslararası ilişkiler, büyük Batılı Güçlerin dayattığı düzene karşı savaşan ve hala direnmeye çalışan iki aktör olarak nitelendirildikleri için dünya düzenine yönelik büyük bir dönüşüm hayalinin temsilcileri olmuşlardır.
Bununla birlikte hem Çin hem de Latin Amerika, bu bölgelerdeki sömürgeleştirme politikaları ve ekonomik müdahaleler nedeniyle Avrupa ve ABD’nin uluslararası politikalarından etkilenmiştir. Bu etki, Uluslararası İlişkiler teorileri gibi bazı bilimlerin gelişiminde de kendini göstermiştir. Bu nedenle, çalışmada ilk Çin gemilerinin Amerika kıtasının topraklarına gelişinden bu yana kısa bir tarih okuması yapılacak, daha sonra da o zamanlar Latin Amerika’ya sözleşmeli işçi olarak gelip Panama Kanalı gibi büyük projelerin gerçekleştirilmesi sırasında görev alan Çinli işçilerin hikayeleri anlatılacaktır.
Daha sonra son on yıllık dönemden, Çin’in ekonomik büyümesine ek olarak çok sayıda Latin Amerika ülkesiyle yaptığı ticari faaliyetlerin, yatırımların ve işbirliğinin yol açtığı yüksek dinamizmi beraberinde getiren stratejik ortaklıklardan ve Latin Amerika ile Çin arasındaki ilişkilerden bahsedilecektir.
Son olarak ise, her ne kadar tüm ülkeleri eşit derecede etkilememiş olsa da son yıllarda büyüyen Çin ile Latin Amerika arasındaki ticari faaliyetlere odaklanılacak ve Latin Amerika ülkeleri ile Çin’in karşılaştığı ve yüzleşmesi gereken yeni zorluklar incelenecektir.
Anahtar Kelimeler: Zhao Tingyang, Tianxia, ticaret, işbirliği, CELAC
To begin writing about China’s relationship with Latin America, we must begin by writing about the history of how Asia and the American continent came together and especially the approach of China towards the Latin American countries proper.
Then we will refer to the "landing" of China in Latin America at the beginning of the seventeenth century until 1815, with the arrival of what was known at that time as the "Manila Galleon", also called Nao de China, was the name by which they were known Spanish ships that crossed the Pacific Ocean once or twice a year, making a tour of: Manila in the Philippines and ports in America, mainly Veracruz and Nayarit in Mexico, Callao in Peru, and the port of Cabo San Lucas in Baja California Sur.
Those ships known as "Chinese ships" transported silk, ceramics, porcelain, fabrics, essences, gunpowder, etc. And from America known as the "New World", gold, white silver, corn and tobacco were exported to Asia.
Later in the second half of the 19th century when the first “Chinese coolies” arrived on the continent, they arrived “under contract”, and they arrived in the countries of Peru, Chile, Costa Rica, Hawaii, Guyana, Panama, Cuba, the Dominican Republic and USA. The coolies replaced the slaves brought from Africa, when the smuggling and the slave trade became unsustainable, it is then that the coolies came to Latin America to perform hard jobs in the railway works, for example in the construction of the Panama Canal and the exploitations of guano in Peru, this generation not only contributed to the development and growth of the economy, it also contributed indigenous elements to the mosaic of customs and culture in Latin America.
This arrival of the Chinese in Latin America gave rise to colonies, some numerous, which were no more than nuclei that served as a link to maintain, intermittently, Chinese-Latin American economic exchanges, as well as the preservation of cultural interrelation.
Foreign Relations of Chine and Latin America through the Philosophical Approach of Zhao Tingyang
The Chinese philosopher Zhao Tingyang does not develop his research strictly within the framework of Foreign Relations, he has a greater focus on political philosophy at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, but he is considered an important thinker within the framework of Chinese theories on Foreign Relations.
Zhao takes as the basis of his analysis the idea of the world-system as Tianxia, which is a Chinese term for an ancient Chinese cultural concept denoting the entire geographical world or metaphysical realm of mortals and was later associated with the political sovereignty.
So, the starting point of Zhao’s theory is that the current world is a non-world, a Hobbesian chaos due to a lack of universal political identity and a global political philosophy. There is a total absence of a true concept of globality, inappropriately replaced by the term internationality.
What is currently lived in so-called foreign relations according to Zhao, is a set of States and Nations in constant conflict, each in the pursuit of its own interest, while globality corresponds to the ancient Chinese conception of Tianxia.
Therefore, today the demand for globality is represented not only by current problems such as climate change, migration, wars, but also by globalization. Hence the interest of Zhao towards the ancient concept of Tianxia, which can overcome the obsolete architecture of the national states, involving ethical and moral values of the peoples that recognize a universal institution.
It is then that Zhao begins a conceptualization and modernization of the traditional concept of Tianxia. Until the Opium Wars, the interstate order established by the Chinese Empire was based on the idea of Tianxia, which assumed China as Zhong-guo, the civilized Empire in the middle of the world, personified by the Tianzi, the son of heaven. The exchanges with the outside were based on the tributary system, sustained by virtue of the hierarchy principle, according to the level of assimilation of the Chinese civil norms of the other towns; and there was a common defense strategy against the barbarians.
Then these three elements were represented by a circular organization, which placed the Emperor in the center, then the allied subjects of the tributary system and finally the barbarians. In this tripartition, Zhao inserts a triple meaning of Tianxia, which comprises the integration of the physical world, referring to all the lands under heaven, the psychological world, representing all the peoples under heaven, and the political world, referring to the global institutions to ensure universal order.
As a result of these three elements ascribing strength to Zhao’s concept of Tianxia, then the following interpretation emerged as a perfect understanding of the three components: the land, the feelings of the peoples and the world institutions.
And perhaps from this theory we could analyze the way in which China has been conducting its foreign relations in recent times, since it has opted to channel its interstate ties through international organizations, such as the United Nations or the World Trade Organization (WTO).
On the other hand, what Zhao mentions in his theory is an ontological difference that separates Chinese from Western thought, since in Chinese philosophy, the world is a set of things and facts, but only facts have relevance in life. Doing replaces being, giving greater importance, in the human world, to relationships that define things, and constantly changing them; so, relationships are the key element of the Tianxia idea for Zhao.
However, the morality of the Tianxia institution depends on an ascending process that goes from families to Tianxia, passing through the State, this double trajectory ensures order and stability, based on respect for the hierarchy of the institutions of the Tianxia by families, who recognize themselves in the same values. Therefore, the world of Tianxia is equivalent to a world family, which coexists thanks to the harmony of relationships; The family represents, therefore, the key to understanding Chinese political theory, marking the elements of an ontology of relationships.
The term relationships in the Chinese language is defined by an expression that has a very important and deep meaning, Guanxi (关系). According to Confucian philosophy, in fact, it is relationships that give man prestige; the individual is relevant when he is part of a community, of family, hierarchical and friendship ties. Relationships are fundamental tools for the construction of an individual’s life and that is why they are connected with three other key concepts: the Renqing, the Lian and the Mianzi.
The Renqing (人情) referring to the moral obligation to maintain inter-personal relationships; and this taken to the level of Foreign Relations, we can implement this principle in interstate relations. So, in Chinese diplomacy, it is very important to know each other, virtual knowledge is not enough, but it is necessary to meet personally, share time and thoughts together between work and rest. From this principle, we can analyze the protocol of international relations of the People’s Republic of China since these relations are not all the same. The hierarchy of relations depends not only on the history of relations, but also on the level that China attaches to this relationship, according to a precise scheme; so, we realize that China maintains better relations with countries that respect the “one-China principle”.
The Lian (脸) is moral integrity, it occurs when you have an appropriate behavior in the relationship, that is, a relationship that is respectful of the hierarchy and status of each person. For example, it is a serious offense to invite a person with a certain position and accompany them with a person who does not have the same rank. In diplomatic relations there are codes that are already close to this principle. But in Foreign Relations, China implements very different action plans according to the hierarchical and friendship value, not simply political or economic, that it attributes to each country.
Finally, the Mianzi (面子), which literally means “face”, is the social perception that others have about a person; then, it can be translated as the prestige that this person has managed to achieve with his life, his reputation or social value. The Mianzi is the result of a general evaluation on a person, or on a State. Based on this, it is possible to understand how and why China acts with very different particularities in foreign relations in various fields.
Key concepts are associated with Mianzi such as: “losing face”, losing respect for the community (丢面子) Diu mianzi; "Concede face", give someone the opportunity to regain lost honor (留 面子) Liu mianzi; "Show your face", show respect for someone, (给 面子) Geimianzi.
All these concepts constantly influence China’s foreign relations as it evaluates and reacts with countries in line with these values; then the relations for China are not transitory and brief, but strong and long-term ties. This is where the idea of progressiveness arises, with which China is developing its relations with the different countries of the international community in general and with Latin America in particular. That is, with those, with these countries with which it has deployed a greater number of harmonious situations, it will be the ones with the best and most deeply related. A clear example could be the "comprehensive strategic" relationship that China maintains with Brazil, which in recent years has progressively deepened.
Start of Diplomatic Relations with Latin America
Regarding the diplomatic relations China and Latin America, the first country that established a formal diplomatic relationship thus seeking an official rapprochement with China, was Peru in 1874, years later in 1881 Brazil followed the example of Peru, Mexico in 1899, Cuba in 1902 and Panama in 1909. When the Empire fell and the "Republic of China" was proclaimed, later between 1911 and 1949, under the Nationalist Government of the Guonmindang or KMT (a Chinese nationalist political party of the Republic of China), Chile made their diplomatic relationship official in 1915, a year later in 1916 Bolivia, Nicaragua in 1930, Guatemala in 1931, the Dominican Republic in 1940, Costa Rica in 1944, Argentina in 1947 and the last was Ecuador in 1949.
However, in the 1960s, the presence of historical and political factors, referring to the damaging anti-Chinese political influence of the United States; They prevented successful ties between Latin America and "New China". For example, the case of Ecuador who had the intention of recognizing China but was forced to back down due to the influence of Washington.
It was in December 1970 that a great step was taken on this path. Chile, under the leadership of Salvador Allende, became the first South American country to establish relations with China and between 1971 and 1980, 12 countries in the region established diplomatic relations with Beijing.
Currently, China maintains diplomatic relations with 21 Latin American countries, which represent most of the geographical area, population and economic production of the region, generating open markets and giving way to the spread of political liberalism spread throughout the world.
Relations at a Strategic Commercial Level
Relations between China and Latin America are based on common interests. As Chinese President Hu Jintao said in 2008, “China always attaches great importance to friendly cooperation with Latin America from a strategic height. The convergence of interests between both parties has reached an unprecedented degree, and bilateral relations, to a record height.”
Common strategic interests consist of high complementarity in the economic-commercial sphere. As China’s insertion into the world economy deepens, the country needs to import large amounts of raw materials and products to sustain its economic development.
At the beginning of the new century, Latin America became an important source of resources for China, such as minerals, energy resources, agricultural products, among others, whose importance increases daily, as more and more Chinese companies enter with great impulse in the Latin American market.
Since the last international financial crisis in 2008, China has made efforts to expand domestic demand, applying a strategy of diversification of the export market; Thus, Latin America, which has 550 million inhabitants and a GDP (Gross Domestic Product) of more than 3,000 trillion dollars, is one of the important options for such a strategy.
In turn, in recent years, China has become an important engine for economic growth in Latin America, which sees China as a market with great potential, with a broad perspective for its export, placing a wide expectation on the Chinese capacity for foreign investment and technological cooperation. ECLAC (Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean) considers the Chinese economy as the main engine of world economic growth and a potential market for Latin American exports.
Trade between China and Latin America grew dramatically in recent years, but this did not affect all countries in the same way. The first case is that of Venezuela, which exports oil to China, key to sustaining the industrial take-off. On the other hand, producers of raw materials and food such as Chile, Brazil, Argentina and Peru have benefited thanks to positive trade balances and increased direct investment. Finally, Mexico and Central America have been affected by imports of manufactured products and are being displaced from the United States market. To understand the growth of the Sino-Latin American relationship from a commercial point of view, it is necessary to avoid generalizations and analyze each case in detail.
It is global knowledge that relations between the People’s Republic of China and Latin America have intensified in recent years, as the frequent reciprocal visits of senior officials is compounded by a boom in trade and Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) from China to the Latin region. Although the political factor is present in exchanges, it is the field of the economy that is marking, by far, the pace of relations. Trade, for example, has undergone a dizzying evolution. In 1976 it only reached 200 million dollars, while in 1988 it amounted to 2,800 million. Throughout the 1990s, Latin American trade flows grew at triple-digit rates, reaching over $ 40 billion in 2005, so today we can say that ideological considerations have taken a back seat.
How much does Latin America benefit or suffer from China’s unstoppable economic growth? Honestly, this answer is differential according to the characteristics of the different countries and subregions of the American continent. However, below we will try to expose the economic and trade relationship with some Latin American countries.
Venezuela: the supply of oil, vital for the Chinese economy
One of the keys to understanding China’s policy towards the world in general, and with respect to Latin America in particular, is its great demand for raw materials and, in the specific case of Venezuela, oil.
In the oil sector, Chinese state-owned companies were encouraged to invest in Latin America, as they had done in Africa and other parts of the world, by their interest in having access to the raw materials that are necessary to supply the growing demand for oil. Your clients. The oil service companies, in most cases, have followed the oil companies, with whom they maintain a business relationship. Investments in this sector have often been made for partially political reasons. For example, part of the oil acquired by CNPC Services Venezuela Ltd, S.A. (Which is the local subsidiary of China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC) and has been present in that country since 1997), it was not sold in the Chinese market, but resold to refineries in the United States, to repay Chinese loans to the Government of Venezuela. However, such contracts served to strengthen relations with Venezuela, while also producing profits for the company and serving as a kind of oil “reserves”.
Raw materials and food with Brazil, Chile, Argentina and Peru:
In addition to oil, there are at least two other possible markets that could delimit Chinese economic growth and that explain its relationship with the rest of Latin American countries, remember that in China there is a shortage of raw food materials necessary to satisfy the Chinese population. Therefore, since the beginning of the last decade, these were the main reasons to generate new business opportunities with the Latin countries of the South American region, including Argentina, Brazil, Chile and Peru.
China currently consumes 40% of the cement, 31% of the coal, 30% of the iron ore, 27% of the steel, 25% of the aluminum and 20% of the world’s copper. Therefore, to the extent that the Chinese gross domestic product continues to rise, this country will continue to demand raw materials that form the basis of trade with the Latin countries, among which Chile and Brazil stand out.
In the case of Chile, the vast majority of its exports to China are concentrated in copper, making it the main exporter of this metal, which is why mining represents 74% of Chilean exports to the Asian country.
By themselves, Chilean state companies such as the National Copper Corporation (Codelco) and the National Mining Company (Enami) are responsible for more than a third of exports to China, in turn Chile receives: textiles, clothing, footwear, toys and electronic products from China.
In view of the close contacts on trade and investment, in 2004 both countries decided to start negotiations to sign a Free Trade Agreement (FTA), which was initially signed in November 2005. This being the first agreement of this type that China signs with a Latin American country.
As in the Chilean case, a considerable proportion of Brazil’s exports to China is made up of raw materials and food, standing out among them: iron ore, steel and the soy complex; these three products represent more than 70% of Brazil’s sales to Beijing.
Thus, China has become the world’s second largest importer of iron ore and the largest buyer of metallurgical products.
Regarding food, China is one of the main demanders in the world market. Despite the relative success of the agricultural reforms and the fact that it is one of the countries with the largest territorial extension, for this reason Chinese consumers may demand more and more agricultural products with a greater degree of complexity, since due to Due to its geographical and climatic conditions, the country cannot produce these products, which would allow the South American economies to maintain exports of agricultural products and raw materials.
Cooperative relations between China and Latin America and the Caribbean, throughout history, have progressed according to both Asian and Latin American economic situations. In the beginning, these relations were defined by the diplomatic and ideological struggle for the recognition of "one China"; However, at present, cooperative relations are characterized by their economic nature, where bilateral or multilateral loans through governmental and non-governmental institutions are the main instrument.
And to speak precisely of these bilateral cooperation’s we must mention: The CELAC-China Project Cooperation Plan 2015-2019. CELAC, which is the most representative forum in the region as it brings together 33 countries from Latin America and the Caribbean.
The aforementioned plan refers to a work agenda that allows political coordination between the Latin American states and China. For its part, the CELAC document (2012) analyzes the impact of world demand and the prices of main export products and which in turn allows political coordination between the Latin American States and China. In the Cooperation Plan approved for 2015-2019, several objectives were mentioned, such as:
- A cooperation fund for 5,000 million dollars, aimed at promoting cooperation in projects in the manufacturing industry, new technologies and sustainable development.
- A line of credit for 10 billion dollars for the construction of infrastructure, including railways, highways, ports, power plants and networks, and telecommunications facilities.
- A special fund for the promotion of agricultural cooperation for 50 million dollars, destined to create between 5 and 8 Research and Development centers in the agricultural field, agro-industrial parks and agricultural investment and development zones”(ECLAC, 2015).
To date, this project was attended at the China-CELAC Cooperation Forum on Digital Technology to combat COVID-19, so the 2021 Work Plan seeks to address the most urgent regional needs and challenges derived from the COVID-19 pandemic. 19, as well as promoting regional cooperation on sectorial issues such as Post-Pandemic Economic Recovery and the Regional Health Strategy against COVID-19.
The challenge for Latin America is to be able to export to China not only primary products, however for this purpose the Latin American region should progressively increase the modernization of the agro industrial chain. At the same time, opportunities should also be identified in changes in consumption standards by China, subsequently in these identified factors, place agro-industrial products, food and services with more added value (not only tourism, but also recreational, software, engineering, architecture, audiovisual), as well as detecting potential for specific strategic investments, business associations and cooperation in various areas.
And if we talk about China, according to Dr. Ignacio Bartesaghi, an expert Uruguayan economist, this country should continue to assume, progressively, "the need to comply with the multilateral rules" of the free market, in relation to "the opening of its own market to certain investments, such as telecommunications, support for Chinese public companies that are internationalizing that no longer want to be Made in China but Made by China."
Therefore, we once again mention that the challenge for Latin American countries is oriented towards cultural, economic and technological growth in order to achieve competitive development, which gives them the evolution towards efficient marketing systems with high added value. This system will allow them to provide them with marketing and growth opportunities.
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Latin Amerika’da yaşayan herkes Çin’in bu bölge için önemini bilir, çünkü çoğu tüketici ve teknoloji ürünü "made in china" etiketi ile Çin’de üretiliyor. Çin’in ekonomik, sportif ve kültürel bir güç olarak tanıtılan yükselen bir ekonomi olduğu da herkes tarafından biliniyor.
Son on yılda Latin Amerika şirketleri, hükümetleri ve üniversiteleri Çin ile anlaşmalar ve işlemler yapmaya çalıştılar. Bu nedenle Çin’in Latin Amerika’daki varlığında açık bir artış gözlemleniyor.
Öte yandan Çin, en büyük ihracat pazarlarının Brezilya, Kolombiya, Venezuela, Peru ve Arjantin gibi ülkeler olduğunu dikkate alarak gelecekte Latin Amerika’da fabrikalar kurmakla da ilgileniyor.
Bu nedenle, bu makalenin ilk bölümü, 17. yüzyılın başından 1815’e kadar ilk Çin gemilerinin Latin Amerika’ya geliş tarihinin bir incelemesini sunmakta ve bununla birlikte o zamanlar Latin Amerika’da güvencesiz bir şekilde çalışan siyahi kölelerin yerlerini alarak, ağır işleri yapmaya gelen ilk Çinlilere değinmektedir.
Makale daha sonra, Çin’in Latin Amerika’ya yönelik uluslararası ilişkilerinin kılavuzunu belirli bir şekilde yansıtan siyaset teorisinden bahseden, Çin kökenli felsefi düşünür Zhao Tingyang’a atıfta bulunuyor. Öte yandan, Zhao’nun teorisinde bahsettiği şey, Çin’i Batı düşüncesinden ayıran ontolojik bir farklılıktır, çünkü Çin felsefesinde dünya bir nesneler ve gerçekler bütünüdür ve sadece gerçekler yaşamla ilişkilidir. Yapmak, insan dünyasında bir şeyleri tanımlayan, onları sürekli değiştiren ilişkilere daha fazla önem vererek varlığın yerini alan bir olgudur; bu nedenle ilişkiler, Zhao için Tianxia fikrinin temel unsurudur. Tianxia’nın, tüm coğrafi dünyayı veya ölümlülerin metafizik dünyasını ifade eden eski bir kültürel kavram ve Çince bir terim olduğunu, ancak daha sonra siyasi egemenlikle ilişkilendirildiğini hatırlamakta fayda vardır.
Makalede, bu teorik başlangıcın bir sonucu olarak, Çin Halk Cumhuriyeti’nin Latin Amerika ile diplomatik ilişkilerinden, hangi ülkelerin resmi diplomatik ilişki arayışında öncü olduklarından ve Çin ile diplomatik yakınlaşmanın nasıl sağlandığından bahsedilmştir.
Bunun yanı sıra Çin’in şu anda bölgenin coğrafi alanı, nüfusu ve ekonomik üretiminin çoğunu temsil eden 21 Latin Amerika ülkesi ile diplomatik ilişkilerini açık pazarlar yaratarak ve siyasi liberalizmin dünyaya yayılmasını sağlayarak sürdürdüğünü belirtmek de oldukça önemlidir.
Sonuç olarak, iki bölge arasındaki ekonomik ve ticari ilişki üzerine farklı bir analiz gerçekleştirilmeye çalışılmış ve şu soruya cevap aranmıştır: Latin Amerika, Çin’in durdurulamaz ekonomik büyümesinden ne kadar fayda sağlıyor veya bundan ne kadar zarar görüyor? Bu soruyu yanıtlarken gerekli analizleri ülkelerin ve / veya bölgelerin mekanizmalarına göre yapıldığını da özellikle belirtmek gerekir. Bu analiz yolunun seçilmesinin nedeni stratejik ve ortak çıkarların ve Çin’in dünya ekonomisi ile ilişkilerinin derinleşmesine neden olan ekonomik-ticari alanın birbirini önemli ölçüde tamamlar nitelikte olmasıdır.
Ekonomik hareketler hakkında konuşulduğunda ise iş birliği faaliyetlerinden de bahsetmek gerekecektir ve bu konu da ele alınan analiz noktalarından biridir. Bu nedenle makalede 2015-2019 yılları arasında gerçekleşen CELAC-Çin Projesi İş birliği Planı’na atıfta bulunulmaktadır. CELAC Latin Amerika ve Karayipler’den 33 ülkeyi bir araya getirdiği için bölgedeki en temsili forum olma özelliğine sahiptir.
Bu plan, Latin Amerika ülkeleri ile Çin arasında siyasi koordinasyona olanak tanıyan bir çalışma gündemini ele almaktadır. Bu arada, CELAC belgesi (2012) dünya talebinin etkisini ve ana ihraç ürünlerinin fiyatlarını analiz etmekte ve bu da Latin Amerika Devletleri ile Çin arasındaki siyasi koordinasyonu kolaylaştırmaktadır.
O zamandan beri ve tarih boyunca, Çin ile Latin Amerika ve Karayipler arasındaki işbirliğine dayalı ilişkiler hem Asya hem de Latin Amerika’nın ekonomik koşullarına uygun olarak ilerlemiştir. Başlangıçta bu ilişkiler "tek Çin" in tanınması için diplomatik ve ideolojik mücadele ile tanımlanıyordu. Bununla birlikte, şu anda, kooperatif ilişkileri, devlet kurumları ve sivil toplum kuruluşları aracılığıyla ikili veya çok taraflı kredilerin ana araç olduğu ekonomik yapılarıyla karakterize edilmektedir.
Son olarak, Latin Amerika’nın Çin ile daha büyük ve verimli bağlar kurma zorluğuna değinilmektedir. Bu nedenle Latin Amerika ülkeleri için asıl sınav rekabetçi kalkınma elde etmek için kültürel, ekonomik ve teknolojik büyümeye yöneliktir. Bu koşulun sağlanması için yüksek katma değerli verimli pazarlama sistemlerine geçiş sağlanmasının önemini bir kez daha belirtmekte fayda vardır. Bu sistem, ilgili ülkelere gerekli pazarlama ve büyüme fırsatlarını sunacaktır. Ancak bu şekilde Latin Amerika ve Çin arasında dengeli bir işbirliği sürdürülebilir. Aksi taktirde Çin’in ekonomik üstünlüğüyle tek taraflı olarak gelişecek iş birliği Latin Amerika ülkeleri için herhangi bir fayda sağlamadığı gibi zararlı etkileri de olacaktır.